Posts Tagged ‘language and power’

“ACTIVISM”

February 1, 2026

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Ricardo F. Morín
Landscape II
18″ x 24″
Oil on board
2000

Ricardo F. Morín

February 1, 2026

Oakland Park, Fl.

The word activism now functions in public language as a device for disqualification rather than description.  It appears when someone protests, reports, or questions how power is being exercised.  The word does not explain what occurred or whether rules were followed.  It assigns suspicion to the person who speaks.  Once the word enters a sentence, attention shifts from facts to motive, and inquiry is halted before it can proceed.

This linguistic use of activism depends on presenting the existing order as beyond legitimate question.  What already exists is described as normal, lawful, and necessary.  What challenges it is labeled activism.  The structure of the sentence assumes that authority does not need to justify itself, while those affected by authority do.  Language thus distributes legitimacy in advance and shields power from explanation.

Recent executive orders on immigration make this mechanism concrete and visible.  Policies once described as border enforcement have been extended deep into the interior of the country.  Federal agents now operate in cities, towns, workplaces, and private homes far from any border.  This shift is not merely about location.  It changes who is exposed to the power of the State and under what assumptions.

Interior immigration enforcement now treats distinct categories of people as interchangeable in practice.  The stated objective is to arrest people with criminal records and to take custody of those already detained.  At the same time, operations are designed to collect anyone present, nearby, or loosely associated.  Non-criminal residents are taken alongside those accused of crimes.  Long-term residents, elderly people, workers with families, and even citizens are drawn into the same encounters.  Legal distinctions remain on paper but collapse in execution.

This operational blending is presented by authorities as coherent, but its coherence is asserted rather than demonstrated.  Arresting a person convicted of a violent offense and detaining a neighbor with no criminal history are described as parts of a single mission.  The language suggests unity and purpose.  In reality, different objectives are combined for scale, not clarity.  The result is that no one can know where enforcement ends, and uncertainty itself becomes the governing condition.

Profiling supplies the practical method by which interior enforcement sustains itself.  Away from the border, agents cannot rely on crossings or documented violations.  They rely instead on appearance, accent, location, or association.  People are stopped not because of what they have done, but because of what they are assumed to be.  Citizenship, residency, and legality cease to function as reliable protections at the moment of encounter.

Community response emerges when these practices become visible in daily life.  In places such as Montana, residents have watched neighbors taken from their homes in early hours, elderly people removed while barely dressed, children detained alongside adults, and towns unsettled by large federal deployments.  In other parts of the country, citizens have died during enforcement operations.  As such events repeat, they cease to appear exceptional and begin to register as conditions people are expected to endure.

Public protest arises from this recognition of harm rather than from ideological performance.  People gather, speak, and demand answers because something familiar has been crossed.  Their response is rooted in what they have seen and experienced.  Yet this response is often dismissed as activism, a term that avoids addressing the conduct that provoked it and instead questions whether reaction itself was permissible.

The label activism redirects responsibility away from state action and toward civic response.  The word does not ask whether enforcement was lawful, proportionate, or humane.  It asks whether people should have objected.  In doing so, the conduct of authority recedes from scrutiny while dissent becomes the subject of judgment.  Accountability is reversed.

The same linguistic device is applied to journalism that documents these events.  When reporters record raids, publish testimony, or show images of arrests, the work is sometimes dismissed as activist reporting.  The accusation is not that the facts are false, but that they were assembled with improper intent.  Accuracy is displaced by suspicion, and the act of documentation itself is treated as a breach.

This pattern of language gradually alters how democracy is understood.  Democratic life depends on questioning authority, reviewing decisions, and objecting when harm occurs.  Under the grammar of activism, these actions are treated as disruptions.  Quiet acceptance is praised.  Scrutiny is framed as excess.  Stability is elevated above fairness.

The ethical consequence of this shift is the denial of ordinary civic agency.  When workers, parents, and neighbors are told that speaking up makes them activists, they are no longer addressed as reasoning citizens.  They are treated as obstacles to be managed.  Authority ceases to explain itself and instead asserts continuity as its own justification.

A narrowing definition of national belonging advances alongside this linguistic shift.  Belonging is measured by silence.  Loyalty is measured by compliance.  Difference is treated as threat.  Supremacy enters not through open declaration, but through repetition, as people are asked again and again to accept what they are no longer permitted to question.

A plural society cannot endure under a grammar that treats challenge as deviance.  Such a society does not depend on shared origin, culture, or uniform belief.  It depends on the recognition that no single group owns the meaning of the nation.  When language is used to dismiss those who expose harm or demand explanation, democracy is not defended.  It is quietly redefined against the people it exists to serve.



“Bulwark”

January 25, 2026

Ricardo Morín
Bulwark
Formerly titled Buffalo Series, Nº 3
Oil on linen, 60 × 88 in.
1980
Exhibited: Hallwalls Contemporary Arts Center, Buffalo, New York, May 1980
Destroyed while in third-party custody; extant as digital archival record only.

Ricardo F. Morin

December 23, 2025

Kissimmee, Fl

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I did not encounter the boundaries that would later govern my writing either through instruction or doctrine, but through a remark made in passing by my father when I was still a child.   He stated, without hesitation or elaboration, that he could not imagine existing under a political system that threatened individual liberty and private autonomy, and that life under such conditions would no longer be a life he could inhabit.  The formulation was extreme, yet even then it was clear that it was not intended as a proposal, a threat, or a performance.   It functioned instead as a boundary:   an indication of where survival, once stripped of dignity, would no longer merit the name of living.

The force of that remark did not reside in its literal content, but in the clarity with which it established a limit.   Extreme statements often draw attention by excess, but this one operated differently.  It did not seek reaction or allegiance.  It closed a door.   What it marked was the point at which judgment ceased to be negotiable—not because compromise becomes difficult, but because continuation itself loses coherence. What it marked was not expression but diagnosis.  It identified a threshold beyond which endurance would amount to acquiescence in one’s own negation.

That distinction—between living and merely persisting—would take years to acquire its full weight.  One can remain alive and yet no longer inhabit the conditions under which action, responsibility, and choice remain intelligible.  The body endures; the terms of authorship do not.  What is surrendered in such cases is not comfort or advantage, but authorship over one’s own conduct:  the capacity to remain the source and bearer of one’s actions.

Only later did historical irony give that childhood memory a broader frame.  My father died one year before Venezuela entered a prolonged political order that normalized civic humiliation and displaced individual responsibility.   This coincidence does not confer foresight or vindication.   It merely underscores the nature of the limit he articulated.   He did not claim to predict outcomes or to possess superior insight.  He identified a condition he would not inhabit, regardless of how common, administratively justified, or socially enforced it might become.

What was transmitted through that remark was not an ideology, nor even a political position, but a refusal.  It was a refusal to treat dignity as contingent, and a refusal to accept adaptation as inherently neutral.  Such refusals are not dramatic.   They do not announce themselves as virtues.   They operate quietly, shaping what one will not do, what one will not say, and what one will not permit to pass through one’s actions in exchange for continuity, safety, or approval.

Writing, I have come to understand, is not exempt from the constraints that govern action.   Symbolic form does nor suspend responsibility.   Language acts.   It frames possibilities, distributes responsibility, and licenses certain responses while it forecloses others.   To write without regard for what one’s words enable is to treat expression and conduct as if they belonged to different orders.   They do not.   The same boundary that governs action governs language:   one must not inhabit forms that require the habitual abandonment of autonomy.

Authorial responsability does not entail moral exhibition or the performance of virtue.   Responsibility in writing does not consist in adopting the correct posture or aligning with approved conclusions.   It consists in refusing methods that rely on coercion, humiliation, or rhetorical pressure in place of clarity.   It requires attention not only to what is asserted, but to what is permitted to continue through tone, implication, and omission.   Precision here is not a stylistic preference; it is a moral discipline.

Restraint, in this sense, is not passivity but a method of authorship.  It is a form of interruption in the circulation of what one does not consent to carry forward.   To decline to amplify what one does not consent to carry is an act of selection, and an exercise of agency.   In an environment where excess, outrage, and reactive urgency are often mistaken for seriousness, restraint becomes a way of maintaining authorship over one’s participation.   Restraint limits reach, but it preserves coherence between what is said and what is lived.

Such restrain inevitably carries a cost.   Urgency is more than speed; it is the condition under which reflection itself begins to appear as a liability.   Reflection serves as a procedural safeguard of agency and authorship—and, with them, of ethical responsibility—even when circumstances cannot be governed and one is compelled to choose within constraint.  Restraint resists urgency, narrows reach, and foregoes certain forms of recognition.   These losses are not incidental; they are constitutive.  To accept all available registers or platforms in the name of relevance is to treat survival as the highest good.   The boundary articulated long ago indicates otherwise:   that there are conditions under which continuation exacts a price too high to pay.

Authorial responsibility, then, is not a matter of expression but of alignment between language and action.   It asks whether one’s language inhabits the same ethical terrain as one’s conduct.  It asks whether the forms one adopts require compromises one would refuse in action.   The obligation is not to persuade or to prevail, but to remain answerable to the limits one has acknowledged.

What remains is not a doctrine but a stance:   a stance standing without dramatization, without escape, and without concession to forms that promise endurance at the expense of dignity.   Such a posture does not announce itself as resistance, nor does it seek exemption from consequence.   It holds its ground without appeal.   In doing so, it affirms that authorship—like autonomy—begins where certain lines are no longer crossed.


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What remains unaddressed is the more fragile condition beneath authorship itself:   the way thinking precedes command, and at times repositions the author before any stance can be assumed.

The memory of my father appears as a moving target—not an idea slipping out of control, but it is a standard shifting under my feet while I was still advancing.   I did not invite it in the sense of intention or plan.   Nor did I resist it.   I noticed it moving before I could decide what it demanded.

That experience is unsettling because it violates a comforting assumption:   that thought is something we deploy, rather than something that displaces us.

The uncertainty about whether I had invited it is itself a sign that I was not instrumentalizing my thinking.   When thought is summoned as a tool, it remains fixed.   When it emerges in response to something that matters, it moves, because it is adjusting to reality rather than arranging it.   That movement feels like a loss of control only if authorship is understood as command.

I allowed the discomfort of not knowing whether I had summoned what was now demanding attention only if authorship is understood as control.   This was resistance under motion, not paralysis of judgment.   The question arises only when thinking is still alive enough to be displaced.

The target moved because it was attached to the terrain of perception, not to the self doing the perceiving.