Posts Tagged ‘accountability’

“Concealments”

January 10, 2026
Ricardo F. Morín
Erasures
Watercolor rub-offs on Japanese tissue paper
14″x20″
2005

Ricardo F. Morín

January 10, 2026

Oakland Park, Fl

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1.

Public discussion often treats corruption as a series of discrete scandals attached to identifiable individuals.  That framing is misleading.  Investigative reporting and judicial records increasingly show that, particularly in the Venezuelan case, responsibility is displaced through repeatable actions that allow illicit benefit while obscuring accountability.

2.

The PBS Frontline documentary examining the rise and role of Alex Saab provides a clear point of entry.  Saab did not function as a policymaker or symbolic representative.  According to United States indictments and sustained investigative reporting, he acted as a testaferro—a fraudulent front man—through whom contracts, assets, and payments were routed to conceal the true beneficiaries.

3.

The diagnostic importance of Saab lies not in his personal profile but in the action he performed.  A testaferro is not a neutral intermediary.  He lends his name so that authority may receive benefit while denying responsibility for the consequences of its decisions.  The contractual signatory does not indicate decision-making authority.

4.

This action appears repeatedly in Venezuela across multiple domains:  oil sales conducted through intermediaries, food import programs delivering overpriced or tainted goods, housing projects funded and left incomplete, and financial transfers designed to evade sanctions and scrutiny.  Each domain differs in form, but the same action recurs:  authorization is granted, benefit accrues, and responsibility is displaced.

5.

The same displacement of responsibility appears in the use of irregular armed groups that exercise coercion without formal attribution.  Their actions do not require demonstrable command.   The absence of a traceable chain of authority is not incidental but integral:   force is applied while authorship remains deniable.

6.

At this stage, individual corruption gives way to criminal conduct sustained over time.  United States prosecutors have alleged that these financial and logistical actions coincide with narcotics trafficking and money laundering attributed to senior civilian and military officials, including Nicolás Maduro.  These allegations rest on claims of coordination, protection, and benefit.

7.

What U.S. indictments and investigative journalism describe as the Cartel de los Soles does not depend on the existence of a unified chain of command.  The term refers to a condition in which drug trafficking depends on permission, tolerance, or protection by state authorities rather than independent criminal initiative.

8.

Under this account, Saab is neither anomaly nor mastermind.  He is a replaceable participant whose removal does not interrupt the conduct described.  The persistence of the activity depends on substitution, not on loyalty or hierarchy.

9.

This clarification resolves a recurrent confusion in public debate.  Describing these actions does not constitute moral judgment or ideological hostility.  It identifies delegated fraud through which authority preserves outward legitimacy while transferring legal exposure to intermediaries.

10.

When these actions extend across ministries, borders, and markets and are sustained by coercive power, they exceed ordinary corruption.  They constitute organized criminal conduct exercised with the capacity of the State, regardless of whether a classic cartel form is present.

11.

The significance of the Frontline investigation is not that it adds another episode to a familiar narrative.  It shows how the use of front men allows this conduct to persist over time.  What follows from this recognition is not vindication but clarity about why accountability cannot be achieved by removing individuals alone.


References:


“Clarity Is Not Optional”

January 3, 2026

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Ricardo F Morin
Points of Equidistance
CGI
2026

Ricardo F. Morin

January 3, 2026

Oakland Park, Fl.

Power, Sovereignty, and the Cost of Duplicity

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Venezuela’s transition and Ukraine’s survival now constitute a single test:  whether power can be constrained without illusion,  and whether the United States can act coherently even when its president cannot perceive coherence himself.

This text does not argue for a policy or predict an outcome.  It marks the threshold at which coherence ceases to be discretionary and becomes a condition of survival.

The United States cannot act in one theater in a way that invalidates the principles it claims to defend in another.  If sovereignty,  territorial integrity,  institutional continuity,  and legal accountability are treated as binding in Ukraine,  they cannot become flexible,  provisional,  or strategically inconvenient in Venezuela.  And the reverse must also hold:  if those principles are treated as binding in Venezuela,  they cannot be relaxed,  reinterpreted,  or selectively applied in Ukraine.  Once that line is crossed in either direction,  coherence collapses—not only rhetorically,  but structurally.  Power ceases to stabilize outcomes and instead begins to manage decay.

This is not a moral claim;  it is a functional one.  Modern power does not fail because it lacks force,  but because it loses internal consistency.  When the same instruments—sanctions,  indictments,  military pressure,  diplomatic recognition—are applied according to circumstance rather than principle,  they no longer constrain adversaries.  They instruct them.  Russia and China do not need to prevail militarily if they can demonstrate that legality itself is selective,  contingent,  and subject to reinterpretation by whoever holds advantage in the moment.

For this reason,  no transition can rest on personalization.  Trust between leaders is not a substitute for verification,  nor can rapport replace institutions.  This vulnerability is well known in personality-driven diplomacy and has been particularly visible under Donald Trump in his repeated misreading of Vladimir Putin.  Yet the deeper danger is not psychological;  it is procedural.  Policy that depends on who speaks to whom cannot survive stress.  Only policy that remains legible when personalities are removed can endure.

Nor can outcomes be declared before institutions exist to carry them.  Territorial control without civilian authority is not stability.  Elections conducted without enforceable security guarantees are not legitimacy.  Resource access without escrow,  audit,  and legal review is not recovery,  but extraction under a different name.  When the United States accepts results without structures,  it postpones collapse rather than preventing it.

Equally corrosive is legal improvisation.  Law applied after action—indictments justified retroactively,  sanctions reshaped to accommodate faits accomplis—does not constrain power;  it performs it.  Once legality becomes explanatory rather than directive,  it loses its disciplining force.  Adversaries learn that rules are narrative instruments,  not boundaries.

Finally,  there can be no tolerance for proxy preservation.  A transition that leaves intact militias,  shadow financiers,  or coercive intermediaries is not a transition at all.  It is a redistribution of risk that guarantees future rupture.  External backers may be delayed,  constrained,  or audited,  but they cannot be placated through ambiguity without undermining the entire process.

The test is stark and unforgiving.   If an action taken in either Venezuela or Ukraine could not be defended, word for word, if taken in the other—or if a compromise tolerated in one would be condemned if replicated in the other—then the axiom has already been broken.

What must therefore remain true,  in both places at once,  is this:  power must submit to the same standard it invokes—without exception,  without personalization,  and without retreat into expediency disguised as realism.


Authority Where Legitimacy Has Not Yet Converged

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This section does not assess democratic legitimacy or political merit.  It observes how authority is presently constituted and enforced when coherence is under stress.

A question posed during a press conference—regarding the opposition coalition led by María Corina Machado and the electoral victory of Edmundo González Urrutia—elicited a dismissive response from President Donald Trump.  Asked why a transitional leadership would not center on that coalition,  he replied that there was “no respect for her,”  implying an absence of authority within the country.

Taken at face value,  the remark appears personal.  Read diagnostically,  it exposes a more consequential distinction:  legitimacy does not presently translate into authority inside Venezuela.  The same distinction—between legitimacy and enforceable authority—has shaped Ukraine’s resistance to Russian invasion, where legitimacy was established internally but had to be defended materially against external aggression.

Electoral victory, international recognition, and moral credibility confer legitimacy.   They do not, by themselves, confer enforceable power.  Authority, as it exists on the ground, flows from the capacity to compel compliance—whether through control of coercive institutions, resource chokepoints, or the operational machinery of the state.  In Ukraine, that authority is exercised defensively to preserve an already legitimate sovereign order against external aggression.  In Venezuela, it persists independently of electoral outcome, sustained by institutions and mechanisms detached from legitimacy.

In this sense,  the question raised by Trump’s remark is not whether Machado’s coalition is legitimate,  but what presently lends authority within the country—and who is capable of enforcing decisions,  preventing fragmentation,  or compelling compliance.   The answer is neither rhetorical nor normative.  It is about how authority is currently constituted and exercised under present conditions.

Recent commentary surrounding U.S. engagement with Venezuelan actors has made this distinction operational rather than abstract.  The marginalization of María Corina Machado has not turned on questions of democratic legitimacy, electoral mandate, or international recognition.   It has turned on her unwillingness to participate in transactional arrangements with the existing technocratic and financial strata that currently exercise control within the State.  In contrast, figures such as the Vice President Delcy Rodríguez are treated as viable interlocutors precisely because they command enforceable authority through continuity with those mechanisms—coercive, financial, and administrative—that persist independent of legitimacy.  Criminality, in this logic, is not disqualifying.  It is evidence of control.  What is being selected for is not moral credibility, but negotiability under pressure.

This distinction matters because transitions that confuse legitimacy with authority tend to collapse into disorder or entrenchment.   Authority negotiated without legitimacy produces repression.   Legitimacy asserted without authority produces paralysis.  Durable transition requires that the two converge—but they do not begin from the same place, nor do they converge through the same means.

In Ukraine, legitimacy and authority are aligned but strained by external aggression; in Venezuela, authority persists in the absence of legitimacy.  Treating these conditions as morally or procedurally equivalent obscures the obligations they impose.  When support is conditioned more heavily where legitimacy is intact than where it is absent, coherence gives way to ethical imbalance.

Trump’s comment does not clarify U.S. strategy.  It does, however, expose the fault line along which policy now risks fracturing:  whether authority is assessed and transformed in relation to legitimacy, or accommodated independently of it in the name of order.   The choice is not neutral.  It determines whether power reinforces or undermines the principles it invokes.

The distinction between legitimacy and authority does not negate the requirement of coherence.  It sharpens it.  When coherence is abandoned selectively, collapse is no longer an accident of transition but a consequence of duplicity.


“Portrait of a President: Series II”

December 31, 2025

Ricardo Morín
Portrait of a President
14 x 20 inches
Watercolor, sumi ink, crayon on paper
2003

Ricardo F. Morín

November 2025

Oakland Park, Florida

This essay continues an inquiry begun in “Portrait of a President:    A Diagnostic Essay on Power, Posture, and Historical Pattern,” where patterns of executive behavior were examined through observable action rather than declared intent.   The present text shifts that inquiry from description to procedure and takes a recent executive order on artificial intelligence as a case through which decisions are advanced, reviewed, and sustained.

It follows The Arithmetic of Progress, which considers how contemporary narratives of advancement often detach calculation from consequence.    Read in sequence, that essay establishes the broader conditions under which claims of inevitability and efficiency gain force; the present text examines how such claims operate within the executive process itself.

The essay also builds upon Governing by Exception:    The American Executive, published earlier this year, which examined how exceptional measures become normalized within the modern presidency.    Where that essay focused on the expansion of executive discretion, the present text examines the procedural consequences that follow when exception becomes routine.

This essay further stands in relation to Convergence by Design or Consequence? On Trump, Putin, and the Veiled Axis from Kyiv to Caracas, which addressed alignment among contemporary autocracies at the geopolitical level.    Here, the focus moves inward, toward domestic executive procedure, to consider how similar methods of authority can emerge without explicit coordination or ideological declaration.

Each essay approaches the same problem from a different register—exception, calculation, procedure, and alignment—without requiring continuity of title or theme.

This essay occupies the center of that sequence of essays.    Throughout the analysis, action designates executive action as it bears upon the other branches of the American government.    It begins from an observation about executive ordering under conditions of urgency and traces how constitutional constraint may be displaced in practice without being formally abolished.


Procedural Dislocation and the Rhetoric of Dominance

I

The recent executive order framing artificial intelligence as a matter of “global dominance” offers a useful example on procedural dislocation and the rhetoric of dominance.    Agreement with its stated aims is not required for the executive order to warrant examination.    Its relevance does not lie in what it promises to achieve, but in the manner in which it propels decisions forward before the terms under which they should be evaluated have been configured.

Artificial intelligence enters this discussion not as a technical subject, but as a context in which executive action is presented as urgent.    The order proceeds on the assumption that speed and centralized direction are necessary for success.    As a result, decisions advance before existing forms of review, coordination, and regulatory formation have had an opportunity to shape their terms.

This ordering is significant.    When presidential authority is asserted first, deliberation is relegated to constrained conditions.    Institutional review—understood here as the pre-action criteria, thresholds, and sequencing through which decisions are ordinarily authorized—ceases to determine whether executive action should proceed and instead adjusts to action already underway.    Once this sequence is fixed, subsequent forms of participation—whether arising from agencies, advisory bodies, or constitutional institutioins—may temper implementation without necessarily altering the direction of presidential decrees.

This essay treats the order as an instance of that ordering.    It examines what follows when urgency governs the timing of decisions and broad assertions of purpose begin to do work normally performed by review, coordination, and rulemaking.

II

Executive decisions determine direction within the executive domain; executive action commits that determination to institutional consequence.

When decisions are taken prior to sustained review, the order of evaluation is reversed.    Procedural review (as a condition of pre-authorization) no longer governs whether executive action is authorized, but instead becomes a step anticipated after executive action has already been set in motion.   This inversion of review and authorization alters how responsibility is distributed within the executive process.

In this sequence, articulated criteria are deferred rather than established.   Judicial review exists, but typically occurs after implementation, once policies have already taken effect.   Congressional checks exist, but depend on coordination, timing, and political alignment that narratives of urgency actively compress, displace, and bypass.   Constitutional remedies exist, but operate on temporal horizons incompatible with accelerated executive action.   Standards by which a decision might be assessed—scope, limits, benchmarks, or conditions for revision—remain undefined at the moment of execution.   The absence of articulated criteria is presented as provisional, even as executive action proceeds as though those criteria were already settled.

This analysis does not proceed from the assumption that constitutional checks are absent.   Without articulated criteria, no stable reference exists against which a decision can be evaluated, adjusted, or halted.    Review becomes reactive, tasked with accommodating decisions rather than testing their premises.

This sequence also alters the role of institutional participation.   Agencies and advisory bodies are positioned to respond within post-implementation review rather than to contribute to the formation of the decision itself.   Their involvement shifts from deliberation to implementation, narrowing the space for substantive input.

What emerges is not the elimination of review.     Constraints remain formally intact, but no longer determine whether executive action proceeds; they intervene only after its action has already begun.

The result is not the elimination of constraint, but its displacement:     mechanisms—designed to govern whether executive action should proceed—are repositioned to manage action already set in motion.   Constitutional checks remain operative only after executive action has been set in motion, rather than governing whether that action may proceed.

III

Federal preemption is asserted before a substitute structure exists.    In this case, state-level regulatory activity is set aside even though no comprehensive federal framework has yet been established to take its place.    Rule by decree is asserted in advance of the mechanisms that would ordinarily support, coordinate, or limit executive action.

This is not a question of constitutional supremacy.    The constitutional framework governing federal preemption state law is well established even as its application remains contested.    The issue is one of sequence.    Preemption typically displaces existing regulation by replacing it with a defined alternative through which responsibility, oversight, and accountability are reassigned.    When that replacement is absent, displacement produces a gap rather than a transition.

This sequence reorders the role of the states.   Rather than serving as sites of coordination, experimentation, or interim governance, they are treated primarily as sources of friction.    Their regulatory efforts are characterized as interference even though no structure has been offered to absorb the regulatory functions being displaced.

The result of this ordeering is a form of authority exercised in advance of the institutional support required to sustain it.    Preemption operates as assertion rather than as arrangement.    The question that follows is not whether authority exists, but how the executive authority is expected to function once exercised without the structures that normally sustain it.

IV

The executive order invokes a global race of dominance as a justification for urgency.    This reference is introduced without specification of its participants, scope, or criteria and is presented as a condition rather than as a claim requiring articulation or examination.

Because the race is not defined, it cannot be procedurally evaluated.   No benchmarks are offered by which advancement or delay might be measured, and no temporal horizon is established against which executive actions might be paced.    Yet the invocation is treated as decisive.

Once invoked, this global framing reshapes the timing and sequence of domestic review and coordination.   Internal processes of review, coordination, and federal balance are measured against an externally asserted tempo.   Procedural safeguards begin to appear as liabilities, not because they have failed, but because they operate at a pace deemed incompatible with the asserted race.

In this way, the invocation of a global race does not specify what is at stake; instead, the invocation of global competition relocates the timing of decision-making to an externally asserted pace.    The absence of specification enables acceleration.

The significance of this procedural reordering lies not in whether global competition exists, but in how its invocation alters internal sequence within the American executive.    An external reference is imported as a procedural rationale and allows executive decisions to advance ahead of sustained review and articulated structure.

V

Alongside external competitive framing, internal pressure also alters when and how executive decisions move forward.    This pressure arises from private actors with concentrated financial exposure to the development and deployment of artificial intelligence technologies.    Their investments depend on acceleration, scale, and limited regulatory constraint.

These actors do not require coordination to exert influence.   Their interests converge structurally.    Delays associated with sustained review, layered oversight, or decentralized regulation introduce uncertainty into investment horizons.    Acceleration, by contrast, stabilizes expectations and preserves potential revenue.

Such pressure operates prior to public deliberation.    It is expressed through advisory roles, policy consultations, and formal lobbying mechanisms that exist outside the sequence of open review.   The influence is not illicit; it is institutionalized.    What distinguishes this influence is its timing and asymmetry.

Because these interests are not fully disclosed within the formal record of decision-making and review, their effects appear indirect.    Yet they shape the conditions under which urgency is framed as necessity and executive preemption as inevitability.   The absence of articulated criteria does not impede this process; it facilitates it by keeping outcomes flexible while direction remains fixed.

External competition supplies a rationale for acceleration, while the pressure of internal investment sustains it.   In this way, procedural dislocation is reinforced from within the executive sequence itself.   Together, they create an executive environment in which acceleration is continuously justified even as institutional review and the structures of substitution remain deferred.

VI

What follows marks a shift not in policy substance, but in how executive action is oriented once procedural guidance no longer governs its timing.

When decisions continue to advance without articulated criteria or substitution structures, language begins to assume functions ordinarily carried by procedural guidance.   By procedural guidance, this analysis refers to the articulated criteria, review thresholds, institutional sequencing, and substitution structures through which decisions are ordinarily evaluated, revised, or withheld before executive action proceeds.   Instead, executive orders are used to frame executive action and to supply orientation where procedural guidance is missing.

In this context, words such as “dominance,” “necessity,” or “leadership” do not operate primarily as descriptions.    Such terms establish direction without specification.    The function of such terms is to move decisions forward while leaving objectives, limits, and measures unresolved.

This enlargement of language alters how executive action is understood.    Rather than clarifying what is being done and under what conditions, language organizes attention around procedural momentum.    Movement itself becomes the priority, even as the grounds for evaluation remain unsettled.

The effect is cumulative over time.    As reliance on rhetorical framing increases, fewer procedural markers remain available to slow, revise, or redirect executive action.    Language begins to carry responsibilities normally handled by review and specification.

At this stage, language has not displaced explanation entirely, but it has begun to exceed it.    This language continues to refer to policy, yet it now performs additional work by sustaining executive action in the absence of settled procedural support.

VII

Requests for specification no longer lead to articulated criteria or review mechanisms, but to restatement of the original framing.    Explanation gives way to emphasis, and emphasis to repetition, without resolving the underlying procedural gaps.

As language begins to carry responsibilities normally handled by review and specification, its relationship to explanation changes.    Statements initially intended to orient understanding become reference points that are repeated rather than examined.

Over time, this pattern reduces the capacity to pause, reconsider, or revise decisions already underway.    When language is relied upon to sustain action, revisiting its premises becomes more difficult.    Adjustment appears as retreat, and reconsideration as delay, even though no settled standards have been articulated.

The effect of this rhetorical substitution is not overt resistance to review, but a narrowing of the scope of review.   Review persists formally, yet review is increasingly tasked with accommodating decisions already advanced.    The space for questioning sequence, authority, or criteria contracts without being explicitly closed.

At this point, language no longer merely advances executive action; it begins to shield it.   Decisions remain explainable in broad terms, but they become less accessible to sustained examination.    What has changed is not transparency, but the conditions under which clarification can still occur.

VIII

This section traces the consequences of earlier procedural substitutions by showing how evaluative reference points disappear even as executive action continues.

Outcomes are projected but not specified.   Means are deployed but not measured against stable standards.    A shared point of reference by which both means and outcomes might be assessed is absent.    When decisions are taken prior to sustained review and sustained by rhetorical framing rather than articulated criteria, the available bases for judging decisions narrow.

In such conditions, projected outcomes can no longer function as checks on present executive action.    Projected benefits remain abstract, deferred, or contingent on future clarification.   Without defined benchmarks or review mechanisms, outcomes function more as justification than as objects of evaluation.

This places increased weight on the process.    When ends remain indeterminate, procedural sequence becomes the only available measure of legitimacy.    If that sequence is dislocated, no basis remains for distinguishing provisional executive action from settled direction.

Appeals to necessity gain prominence under these conditions.   These appeals bridge the gap between uncertain means and unspecified ends by asserting inevitability.    Yet inevitability does not supply measure; it advances executive action while deferring assessment.

What results is the suspension of evaluation, as judgment is deferred to outcomes that have not yet been defined.   Executive means proceed without reference to ends that can be examined and leave evaluation suspended rather than resolved.

IX

The significance of what follows lies not in escalation or collapse, but in the capacity of this governing pattern to persist without triggering a formal breakdown.

Viewed through the preceding sequence, the executive order appears less as a response to a technological challenge than as an expression of how presidential authority now operates.    In this sequence, constitutional constraint persists formally while losing its capacity to govern presidential timing.    What defines this mode of operation is not declared ambition, but the exercise of executive authority in advance of settled structure, review, and measure.

Despite the suspension of procedural evaluation, executive action continues to advance and stabilize as a governing pattern.    Executive action advances without stable criteria, and evaluation follows rather than guides it.    Rhetorical framing sustains continuity once authorization, specification, and review no longer govern the initiation of action, and inevitability substitutes for articulation.

Under these conditions, governance retains motion but loses procedural reference.     Decisions remain intelligible in broad terms, yet increasingly difficult to assess, revise, or halt.

Rather than resolving into crisis, the condition persists through executive assertion rather than procedural sequence.    Executive authority continues to function, but it does so with fewer internal points of correction.

The significance of this condition lies not in its novelty, but in its durability.    When procedural dislocation becomes a stable feature of executive action, it reshapes how legitimacy is understood and how accountability can be exercised.    What is produced is not exception, but a normalized way of proceeding.

X

A constitutional order presumes cooperation without being able to compel it in advance.    Law establishes procedures, thresholds, and divisions of authority, but it cannot secure the disposition of the actors who must inhabit those roles.    The responsibility for cooperation is therefore placed precisely at the point where predictability can no longer be secured—human judgment, ambition, fear, calculation, fatigue, pride.    This is not a failure of law as text; it is a condition of law as lived structure.

Seen this way, instability is not an aberration introduced by bad actors alone.    It is an ever-present possibility generated by the fact that constitutional systems rely on restraint exercised voluntarily, sequentially, and often against immediate interest.    Where cooperation falters, procedures remain formally intact yet lose operational force in practice.    Law persists on paper while its coordinating capacity weakens over time.

This is why the problem traced throughout this essay is ultimately ethical rather than moralistic.    It does not ask who is right or wrong, but what can reasonably be expected of human agents operating under pressure, asymmetry, and incomplete trust.    Constitutional governance assumes a minimum ethic of reciprocity—an agreement to wait, to contest, to defer, to revise.    When that ethic fails to be sustained, the system does not collapse at once; it persists in a condition where coordination no longer governs action.    The authority of the Executive fills the gap left by cooperation, often in the name of continuity.

This explains why displacement proves durable, why restraint remains fragile, and why systems can continue to function even as their ethical foundations lose sustaining force.    The irony sustained here is not pessimistic; it is lucid as an end to the inquiry.

Cooperative frameworks are always provisional.    They exist in tension with mistrust, strategic defection, and shifting circumstance.    They are never resolved, only renegotiated.    The ethical fact is not that mistrust appears, but that governance must function despite it.

Pre-Procedural Conditions of Dislocation

Political responsibility begins before governance does.    It precedes programs, slogans, and institutional choreography.    Long before authority is exercised, it is entrusted, and in that act a judgment is already made—not about policy detail, but about temperament, restraint, and capacity for self-limitation.

The ethical center of leadership is not revealed through ambition or rhetorical promise, but through signs that are immediately legible:    flexibility without opportunism, firmness without domination, caution without paralysis.    These qualities are visible almost at once, often within moments of exposure.    To miss them is not a failure of intelligence, but of attention.

This responsibility cannot be displaced onto institutions after the fact.    Nor can it be excused by urgency, fatigue, or personal grievance.    Once authority is conferred, law is required to manage what has already been authorized, even when correction becomes costly or delayed.    No procedural safeguard can fully compensate for ethical indifference at the moment of selection.

Political systems do not deteriorate solely because of those who govern.    They also reflect the standards—explicit or tacit—by which leaders are chosen.    Collective well-being depends less on promised outcomes than on the character permitted to command.    In this sense, leadership is not imposed upon a society.    It is recognized, accepted, and sustained by it.